By Peter Symonds
The election of
former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe yesterday as the new leader of Japan’s
opposition Liberal Democratic Party marks a further shift to the right,
not only by the LDP but the entire political establishment.
The
poll took place amid sharp tensions between Japan and China over the
disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands in the East China Sea. The government of
Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda sparked the current conflict by
announcing that it had “nationalised” the islands by buying them from
their private Japanese owners. Beijing strongly protested the move and
dispatched fisheries and surveillance vessels to the area to assert
China’s claim.
In the lead-up to yesterday’s election, all five
candidates demanded tougher action to defend Japanese territory. Former
Defence Minister Shigeru Ishiba called for the Japanese military—the
Self-Defence Forces—to be mobilised to bolster the coast guard that is
currently patrolling the area. “Losing a piece of our territory
eventually means losing the whole country,” he told a press conference
last week.
While campaigning on Tuesday, Abe, who is known as a
right-wing nationalist, declared: “Japan’s beautiful seas and its
territory are under threat... I promise to protect Japan’s land and sea,
and the lives of the Japanese people no matter what.”
Abe only
won yesterday’s election in a second round, after coming second to
Ishiba in the first. The final vote was close—108 to 89—indicating
serious concerns about his previous performance as prime minister. Abe
took over from Junichiro Koizumi in September 2006 and stepped down less
than a year later, after losing control of the upper house in July 2007
and presiding over a series of ministerial scandals and resignations.
Upon
being elected, Abe apologised for “causing you all trouble with my
sudden resignation as prime minister six years ago.” He promised to do
his utmost to win back power and “build a strong country, a prosperous
country.”
A general election may be called within months. Prime
Minister Noda was recently forced to promise elections “soon” as the
price for the LDP’s support in passing legislation to double the
country’s unpopular sales tax.
Abe is a proponent of Japanese
militarism, including the removal of the so-called pacifist clause of
Japan’s post-war constitution and the promotion of Japanese patriotism
based on “traditional values”—code words for the glorification of the
wartime military regime, its symbols and record.
Abe has already
indicated that he would visit the controversial Yasukuni shrine to
Japan’s war dead as prime minister, even though such an event could
rupture relations with China. During his previous term in office, he
made no visit to the shrine, in a bid to patch up relations with
Beijing, which had sunk to a low under Koizumi.
In another step
that will antagonise China and South Korea, Abe has indicated that he
might seek to nullify the limited apologies issued by previous Japanese
governments for wartime atrocities carried out in the 1930s and 1940s.
He also promised to strengthen defence cooperation with the United
States by taking a more active military role.
During his year as
prime minister, Abe changed the country’s education law to foster “love
for the nation” and to whitewash the country’s wartime history. He
denied that Asian women had been forced to act as sex slaves for
Japanese soldiers during the war. Abe also stridently backed the US wars
in Afghanistan and Iraq.
The ruling Democratic Party of Japan
(DPJ) has responded to opposition criticisms by making its own marked
shift to the right. Noda’s provocative decision to buy the
Senkaku/Diaoyu islands was aimed at undercutting the campaign waged by
Tokyo governor Shintaro Ishihara for public donations to make the
purchase. Ishihara, a fervent nationalist, also proposed building
facilities on the rocky outcrops to consolidate Japanese control.
The
Japanese political establishment as a whole is deliberately whipping up
nationalist sentiment in a bid to divert attention from the
deteriorating economy and rising unemployment and poverty. The Democrats
won power in 2009—ending half a century of virtually unbroken LDP
rule—by promising to address social needs and distance itself from the
US and its aggressive military interventions. Japan’s involvement in the
Afghan and Iraq wars has been deeply unpopular.
Support for the
Democrats slumped after the government—under three successive prime
ministers—broke all its promises. Noda’s support hit an all-time low
after he pushed through the sales tax increase and gave the green light
for restarting the country’s nuclear power stations, brushing aside
public fears after last year’s Fukushima nuclear disaster.
The
lack of any progressive alternative in Japan to the LDP and Democrats
has opened the door for Osaka mayor Toru Hashimoto, a right-wing
populist, to exploit widespread alienation with the major parties.
Hashimoto, who rails against both parties and the Tokyo bureaucracy,
formed his own party—the Japan Restoration Party—this month.
Speaking
at a fundraising event earlier this month, Hashimoto declared: “Our
glorious Japan has fallen into a state of decline... Let’s fight
together... to once again revive glorious Japan.” He has called for the
revision of the Japanese constitution to eliminate the pacifist clause
and strengthen the military.
Hashimoto has previously dismissed
Japan’s wartime atrocities as fictions. As mayor of Osaka, he mandated
the singing of the national anthem at all school events.
Such is
the extent of hostility to the political establishment that Hashimoto’s
party was ahead of both parties in a Fuji News Network poll earlier
this month—23.8 percent as against 21.7 percent for the LDP and just
17.4 percent for the Democrats. A Kyodo News survey put the Japan
Restoration Party behind the LDP but ahead of the Democrats.
The
support for Hashimoto represents hostility to the existing major
parties rather than positive support for his right-wing nationalist
agenda. It parallels the huge swing in 2009 to the Democrats, who
capitalised on the bitter opposition to the entrenched LDP with a vague
promise of “change.”
What is striking about the polling figures
is that 40 percent of respondents do not support any of these parties,
which promote nationalism, militarism and a big business agenda that
will inevitably place new economic burdens on working people.