Pankaj Mishra
The Guardian - Tuesday 14 October 2014
The west has lost the power to shape the world in its own image – as recent events, from Ukraine to Iraq, make all too clear. So why does it still preach the pernicious myth that every society must evolve along western lines?
“So far, the 21st century has been a rotten one for the western model,” according to a new book, The Fourth Revolution,
by John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge. This seems an extraordinary
admission from two editors of the Economist, the flag-bearer of English
liberalism, which has long insisted that the non-west could only
achieve prosperity and stability through western prescriptions. It
almost obscures the fact that the 20th century was blighted by the same
pathologies that today make the western model seem unworkable, and
render its fervent advocates a bit lost. The most violent century in
human history, it was hardly the best advertisement for the “bland
fanatics of western civilisation”, as the American theologian Reinhold Niebuhr
called them at the height of the cold war, “who regard the highly
contingent achievements of our culture as the final form and norm of
human existence”.
Niebuhr was critiquing a fundamentalist creed that has coloured our
view of the world for more than a century: that western institutions of
the nation-state and liberal democracy will be gradually generalised
around the world, and that the aspiring middle classes created by
industrial capitalism will bring about accountable, representative and
stable governments – that every society, in short, is destined to evolve
just as the west did. Critics of this teleological view, which defines
“progress” exclusively as development along western lines, have long
perceived its absolutist nature. Secular liberalism, the Russian thinker
Alexander Herzen
cautioned as early as 1862, “is the final religion, though its church
is not of the other world but of this”. But it has had many presumptive
popes and encyclicals: from the 19th-century dream of a westernised
world long championed by the Economist, in which capital, goods, jobs
and people freely circulate, to Henry Luce’s proclamation of an
“American century” of free trade, and “modernisation theory” – the
attempt by American cold warriors to seduce the postcolonial world away
from communist-style revolution and into the gradualist alternative of
consumer capitalism and democracy.
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