By Javier Sethness
Truthout | Op-Ed - Sunday, 06 October 2013
"What I propose, therefore, is very simple: it is nothing more than to think what we are doing." Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition.
Doubtless, there exists much reason to study disobedience, "the spark behind all knowledge," as Gaston Bachelard claims in his Fragments of a Poetics of Fire. I would argue that Albert Camus
is right to claim rebellion - which, as he says, can only ever be a
social project infused by notions of solidarity, rather than
individualism - to be intimately related to the defense of human
existence - survival, in the first place - as well as to the political
task of advancing human flourishing. Alarmingly, both such struggles
today confront especially severe threats: As Noam Chomsky
describes it plainly, the prospect of decent human survival is
presently imperiled by the twin specters of nuclear war and
environmental catastrophe. Given the totally inadequate approaches that
constituted power have presented vis-à-vis these world-historical
problems - radical denial on the one hand, and conscious exacerbation on
the other - the question becomes whether we can hope for revolutionary
interventions from below, emanating from that which Giorgio Agamben
terms "the non-State, which is humanity," to address these pressing
dangers in rational and humane fashion. As we have seen in recent years
with the shattering entrance onto the public stage of oppressed humanity
seeking to manage its affairs autonomously from and antagonistically
against the State and capital, such hope does not seem entirely without
merit.
In this sense, Arendt is correct to note, as she did in reflecting on
the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, that the tide of history can shift
radically and rapidly, once established hierarchies are disrupted by the
broad-based delegitimization of prevailing power relations. Indeed,
such a perspective seems to be one of the major, optimistic conclusions
to be gleaned from George Katsiaficas' sweeping
study of People's Power movements throughout much of Asia - that
despotism is doomed, once the demos struggles together to overthrow it,
and that the militaristic repression perennially visited on dissident
movements reflects the oppressors' fears of the power of the people. Hence,
I completely reject the nihilistic notion that intervention constitutes
little more than a "decoy or distraction in the face of futility" or a
"cover or compensation for hopeless battles and setups." Consider for a
moment the Great French Revolution of 1789-1794: One would be at a loss
to think of a similarly shattering event in human history, one that
abolished monarchy and feudalism at a stroke - not to mention
recognizing the end to formal slavery in Saint Domingue/Haiti, following
the radical struggle of the slaves there themselves to destroy the
system oppressing them. I claim that G.W.F. Hegel
was right to celebrate this intervention as "a glorious mental dawn,"
one that led "[a]ll thinking beings" to experience
"jubilation." Similarly, Louis Antoine de Saint-Just justifiably
declared the Revolution as promoting the concept of happiness, which
heretofore had been denied by existing social arrangements; it was for
this reason "a new idea in Europe," and a new reality.
To read more....
I read this 3 times and I'm still not sure I understand all of it, though the parts I understand were very passionate. Radical culture is motivating and promotes jubilation and happiness, and historically can and has changed things quickly and dramatically. It makes me think about the U.S. in comparison to recent uprisings in Syria, or the uprisings in Egypt. What of the Occupy movement? Or the tar sands movement? Were those considered failings? Or successes? Were those for temporary jubilation? I need to do more research on this. I also put Arendt's book on hold at the library.
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